Bangla Spring

Arindam Sarkar

The uprising – After Arab Spring, pro-democratic and anti-fundamentalist movement hit Bangladesh. Across the border, Bengal closely watched and extended solidarity to the Shahbagh agitation of Dhaka in 2013.

When America sneezes, Europe catches cold. When there are tremors in Dhaka, Kolkata feels the shock. On February 5, 2013, when War Crimes Tribunal sentenced Jamaat-e-Islami leader Abdul Qader Mollah to life sentence, thousands gathered at Shahbagh Square in Dhaka to demand his death sentence.

Shahbagh protesters demanded banning of Jamaat and capital punishment for war criminals. On February 28, death sentence for Jamaat chief Delwar Hossain Sayeedi rocked Dhaka. Bengal watched in anguish as Jamaat went on rampage and attacked pro-Shahbagh protesters and back-to-back hartals paralysed Bangladesh. Indo-Bangla trade dipped, border was sealed and Friends of Bengal expressed solidarity with Bangladesh. One month after, Shahbagh is still on.

Bengal thought Bangladesh was witnessing a clash between the liberals and the hardcore. During 1971 War of Liberation, Jamaat and Razakars with the Pakistan Army unleashed genocide in East Pakistan – the citadel of Bengali culture and language. Forty-two years later, Projonmo Chottor and the civil society are correcting the wrongs.

Academics claimed Shahbagh was a struggle between pro-Pak and anti-Pak forces: a Mukti Juddho against anti-liberal and anti-secular force like Jamaat. “Bengal and Bangladesh have same culture and language. We support Shahbagh,” said Professor Jayanta Kumar Roy of Institute of Foreign Policy Studies, Calcutta University.

Prof Roy said India committed a blunder in 2001 by supporting Khaleda Zia, who turned Bangladesh into an Afghanistan. “It’s because of Jamaat, border infiltration, terrorism and Hindu persecution escalates,” he added.

Kolkata is with Dhaka in the battle for religious tolerance and liberal democracy. Such songs as Dhono Dhanye Pushpe Bhora…, O Amar Sonar Bangla Ami Tomai Bhalobashi…Shono Ekti Mujiboer Konthe, Lokkho Mujiborer Dhoni, Protidhoni…, etc., are heard in Projonmo Chottor. Kabir Suman and Protul Mukherjee have dedicated songs to Shahbagh.

Painter Jogen Chowdhury, who drew a Mukti Juddho canvas, said Shahbagh tried to settle the unsettled tasks of Bangabandhu Mujibur Rahman. “The spirit and philosophy of youths are praiseworthy. We’re overwhelmed,” said Jogen Chowdhury.

Bangladesh’s secular constitution changed with the assassination of Bangabandhu in 1975. Under former Presidents General Zia-ur-Rahman and General HM Ershad and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, Islam blended with politics and became the State religion. And Jamaat-e-Islami and Razakars were assimilated into mainstream politics. Majority opposed it.

Professor Amiya Chowdhury of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies pointed out that anti-Jamaat movement gathered steam after Sheikh Hasina victory in December 2008. “Shahbagh is against Islamic fundamentalism. Hasina must return. BNP-Jamaat victory means rise of secessionist forces in North Bengal and North-East,” said Prof Chowdhury.

Jamaat politics, Prof Chowdhury claimed, is destabilizing Bangladesh. In 1971, Razakars forced 10 million people to flee to Bengal. “Bangladesh’s 11per cent Hindus will be persecuted if BNP-Jamaat returns,” he added.

Few months before Shahbagh, Jamaat attacked Hindus and destroyed temples in Chittagong, Rajshahi, Noakhali, Comilla, Bagerhat, Saatthira, Gaibandha and Borguna. Shahbagh activist Imran H Sarkar said they would campaign against such acts. Bangladesh Udvastu Unnayan Sansad of Bengal claimed Jamaat terror forced 55 families to cross over from Bangladesh. “Bengal has millions of refugees and only a secular Bangladesh can bring peace,” said General Secretary of the Sansad, Bimal Majumdar.

Bangladesh shares Bengal’s concern. Professor Emiratus of Dhaka University Anisuzzaman said Shahbagh is fighting for a secular, democratic and progressive Bangladesh. It is an uprising against religious intolerance and Talibanisation.  Jamaat with five per cent vote-bank, he said, is suppressing Bengali culture and ethos. But people will not allow it. “Punish war criminals and separate religion from politics,” emphasized Prof Anisuzzaman.

Convenor of the Forum for Secular Bangladesh and Trial of the War Criminals of 1971 Shahriyar Kabir equated Shahbagh with Anna Hazare and Occupy Wall Street. It is like the Arab Spring in Tahrir Square but unlike in Cairo where the Muslim Brotherhood played a big role, youths have taken over in Dhaka.

The spirit of Shahid Janani Jahanara Imam and Mukti Juddho is inspiring Shahbagh but BNP-Jamaat is calling them atheists and anti-Islam, said Shahriyar Kabir. Jamaat accused of Indian hand and killed Hindus during 1952 Language Movement and 1971 Mukti Juddho. “They are alleging again,” said Shahriyar Kabir. “Bengali culture and language in Bangladesh are in safe hands. Shahbagh must be used to ban Jamaat,” added Dhaka-based socio-political researcher Shamsul Arifin.

Bangladesh has banned such groups as Harkat-ul-Jihad, Jamat-ul-Jihad, Lashkare-Tayba, Allah-r-Dal and Hijbut Tahri. Shahbagh wants Jamaat and Razakars, who killed three million people and participated in loot, arson and rape in 1971, to be banned, death penalty for war criminals, Islam to be removed as State religion and a secular Bangladesh.

Projonmo Chottor has embarrassed BNP-Jamaat. For, members of Bagh Bahini and Razakars became MPs and ministers in the governments of Zia-ur-Rahman and Khaleda. “BNP leaders Abdul Ali and Salauddin Kader Chowdhury collaborated with Bagh Bahini. Zia accommodated Pak collaborators Shabir Khan and Shah Aziz. Jamaat leaders Qader Mollah, Mutihar Rahman Nizami and Ali Hasan Mujaid were in Khaleda government,” said Director of Centre for Research in India-Bangladesh Relations, Bimal Pramanik.

A Dhaka citizen filed a case in high court to ban Jamaat and their 48 institutions before Shahbagh and Hasina revived War Crimes Tribunal in 2008 that lost steam after Bangabandhu’s assassination. This has raised hope among genocide survivors to get justice for the dead and the raped from Hasina. Between 1972 and 1975, Jamaat was banned and they functioned as Islamic Democratic League. “Jamaat is into unlawful activities. Projonmo Chottor’s demand for Jamaat ban is taken into account,” said foreign minister Dipu Moni.

Shahbagh is the new generation, which is reliving their past on the streets and social media in a digital Bangladesh. “Inspired by the history of Mukti Juddho in textbooks and websites, youths have revolted,” said Mahbubul Hoque Shakil, Special Assistant to Sheikh Hasina.

Though Khaleda condemned Hindu persecution, BNP is against Jamaat ban. BNP lauds the role of youths but opposes capital punishment, said BNP vice-chairman Shamsher Mobin Chowdhury. It is fine to demand rule of law and corruption-free governance, but why ban Jamaat. “Why this insecurity? Let an ideology tackle another,” said Shamsher Chowdhury. BNP believes Shahbagh is partisan and suffering from identity crisis.

As for War Crimes Tribunal, BNP claims it lacks transparency and international standards. They want it out of domestic politics and tried in an international court. BNP is against fundamentalist politics, said Shamsher, and its founder Zia-ur-Rahman re-introduced multi-party democracy after Bangabandhu banned it and introduced the one-party BAKSAL in 1975. Islam as State Religion was introduced by Ershad whose Jatiyo Party is now Awami League ally.

Though BNP believes Projonmo Chottor would fizzle out, the fact is Shahbagh put Bangladesh on the world map. And Awami League thinks, banning of Jamaat would create a euphoria among the people help Sheikh Hasina to consolidate power.