Bangladesh in turmoil – Part II

Arindam Sarkar

In January 2015, when the Awami League government completed one year in power in Dhaka, all hell broke loose. In the next four months, the Opposition – Bangladesh Nationalist Party-led coalition that includes the Jamaat-e-Islami – has paralysed the nation by calling strike after strike. Political violence has killed 150 people; properties worth crores have been damaged in arson and loot; government has arrested many BNP leaders; fundamentalism has raised it head; and three bloggers have been hacked to death for their anti-Islam writings in Bangladesh.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party chief and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia has declared that militant agitations by the Opposition political parties won't stop till fresh elections are held in Bangladesh. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is emphatic that her government would complete its full five-year term. Bangladesh is in turmoil. 

“People of Bangladesh want democracy and this Parliament does not represent them. This government is illegal and should be removed immediately to establish a democratic government that reflects the people’s wishes,” Khaleda Zia believes. 

After a winter of discontent in 2013, the return of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to power in Bangladesh for the third time brought hopes for India. And for Bengal, it meant cultural exchanges and good times.

When Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina took oath at Bangabhavan in Dhaka in January 2014, news trickled that Bangladesh’s ban on Hilsa export to India was going to be lifted and soon the silver crop of Padma would flood Bengal. After a bloody 10^th parliamentary polls, whose tremors shook the world and Bengal in particular, that was boycotted by the principal Opposition outfit the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and its ally Jamaat-e-Islami, Hasina-led Awami League and its allies returned to power for the second consecutive term in Bangladesh.

A three-time prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, whose party won more than two-third of the 300 seats at fray, said she would uphold democracy. “BNP must dissociate itself from the Jamaat and violence must stop. It was foolish to boycott the polls. The Opposition must reach a consensus so that the parliamentary elections could be held,” Hasina said.

Reacting to Hasina, the BNP chief and former two-time PM Khaleda Zia described the elections as a “farce” and sought international interventions. “We have not lost, but they have. It is an autocrat government. Democracy is threatened in Bangladesh,” said Khaleda.

Visiting Professor of Institute of Foreign Policy Studies, Calcutta University, Jayanta Roy believes boycott of elections by BNP was unnecessary. In many Asian countries such as Thailand, Cambodia and Malaysia, democracy is challenged. If polls were not held, it is Bangladesh that lost on strengthening the poll process.

Senior Fellow of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies Professor Amiya Chowdhury said if Hasina had lost the polls, it would have led to a creation of a second Pakistan. “BNP and Jamaat are pro-Pakistan. Bengal would have been threatened by rabid fundamentalism. In 2001-2006, BNP-Jamaat government Talibanised the eastern front,” said Professor Amiya Chowdhury.

Horrified by the pre-poll violence, the US, European Union and the Commonwealth did not send election observers. Post-poll, the US, Canada, Germany and UK questioned the legitimacy of the Hasina government. Loot, arson, violence, Hindu persecution, death of more than 150 people, blockades and hartals shocked the Human Rights Watch, which urged that peace should be restored in Bangladesh. But Hasina remained firm.

Hasina held the polls according to the provisions of the Constitution. India observed, holding the elections on January 5, 2014, was a constitutional requirement for Hasina. Soon, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian PM Manmohan Singh congratulated Hasina and a disappointed US agreed to work with her government.

BNP, however, is maintaining a tough stand. Senior vice chairman of BNP Tareque Rahman said they would not talk or negotiate with the Awami League. And BNP vice-chairman Shamsher Mobin Chowdhury added: “The BNP’s decision to stay away from this fraudulent, one-sided elections has been vindicated by an unprecedented low voter turnout.” Former President HM Ershad, whose Jatiyo Party contested, remained quiet.

BNP leaders blamed Hasina for creating tension before the polls by arresting their leaders on false charges, intimidating and restricting the movement of Khaleda. But Hasina claimed it is the BNP-Jamaat combination that has put Bangladesh on a powder keg. “They should stop violence, killing innocent people and destroying properties,” Hasina demanded.

But Khaleda retorted they do not believe in violence. “We want to continue peaceful and democratic movements with the people on our side. I again propose that dialogue be initiated to put an end to conflict. And attack on Hindus should be neutrally investigated,” she said.

Bangladesh observers said it is the ongoing trial of 1971 War criminals; banning of the Jamaat; and introduction of the 15^th Amendment that snapped the nerves of the BNP, Jamaat and the Hefazati Islam. Result: they resorted to violence for more than a month before the polls.

The Supreme Court’s decision in mid-2013 to cancel the registration of Jamaat as a political party, since they opposed the Bangladesh’s Independence and many of their leaders have been convicted by the Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) set up by the Hasina in 2010, came as a shock to the Opposition.

The hanging of  “Butcher of Mirpur” – the top Jamaat leader Abdul Kader Mullah – in December 2013 for committing atrocities during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War further antagonized the Jamaat and the Hefazatis. In fact, Awami League leaders and intellectual believe the banning of the Jamaat was the main reason for the BNP to boycott the elections.

“It is the Jamaat ban by the Supreme Court and the war crimes trial that led the BNP to boycott the elections. But people will not forgive those who opposed the Mukti Juddho and Bangladesh’s Independence,” said a former Mukti Joddha and filmmaker Nasiruddin Yousuff.

With pressure mounting on the BNP to snap ties with the Jamaat, the former initially argued they had no ideological understanding. That they were two distinct parties and the electoral alliance was purely a mathematical one. “Just like the Awami League had struck an alliance with the Jamaat in 1995-1996 against the BNP,” said Shamsher Chowdhury.

Later, Khaleda told the New York Times she would consider breaking the alliance with the Jamaat but had not decided on the timing. But writer and documentary-maker Shahriyar Kabir takes this remark with a pinch of salt. “BNP is totally dependent on Jamaat because the former does not have any cadre. They will only part ways if there is pressure from the party rank and file,” he emphasized.

BNP strongly resented the 15^th Constitutional Amendment that did away with holding the elections under a non-party Caretaker Government. Hasina argued that like all democracies, Bangladesh could hold polls under the incumbent regime. But Khaleda put her foot down and refused to talk with Hasina. Interestingly, Khaleda had opposed polls under Caretaker Government when Hasina demanded it before the February 15, 1996, parliamentary polls. Fearing that Khaleda would rig the polls, Awami League boycotted the elections.

Khaleda held the elections and won. But under pressure, she passed the 13^th Constitutional Amendment to hold the 7^th parliamentary elections under Caretaker Government. On June 15, 1996, Hasina won and in 2001 transferred power to Caretaker Government.

“The caretaker government under Justice Laifur Rahman acted in a partisan manner. It helped Khaleda to win. And between 2001-2006, Bangladesh witnessed worst kind of fundamentalism. Three lakh Hindus fled and temples were destroyed. Intellectuals like Professor Mutasin Mamum and Humayun Azad were tortured,” said Shahriyar Kabir who also suffered.

“Communalism and terrorism thrived. Law and order went for a toss under BNP-Jamaat regime,” said Nasiruddin Yousuff. “Anti-India feelings and militancy along the border peaked. Khaleda regime turned Bangladesh into an Afghanistan,” added Professor Jayanta Roy.

After being under Caretaker Government between 2006 and 2008, people gave a landslide victory to Sheikh Hasina. “The Caretaker Government had ruled with 156 Ordnances. It was rudderless. Return of democracy is welcome and there is nothing wrong in 15^th amendment,” explained Prof Amiya Chowdhury.

Awami League is now out to restore secularism, spirit of Mukti Juddho and Bengali nationalism in Bangladesh. But BNP points out the Supreme Court had allowed holding the 10^th and 11^th parliamentary polls under non-party Caretaker Government in the interest and safety of the people and the State. “By selectively ignoring this verdict, the Awami League has pushed the country to the precipice,” claimed Shamsher Chowdhury.

But notwithstanding violent and controversial parliamentary elections in 2014 and a sullen Opposition, Hasina has her task cut out. Dogged by corruption and inefficiency, her government has to perform to satisfy the people and keep the Opposition at bay. 

In the last few years, Bangladesh’s social and economic indicators are on a high. The government has been engaged in empowering people and providing social safety net. It has undertaken development initiatives for children, homeless, senior citizens, widows, unemployed, insolvent freedom fighters, women, farmers and pushed trade and commerce. Hasina has to take it forward.

Chairperson of Transparency International Bangladesh Sultana Kamal said the biggest challenge for Hasina is to justify that the 15^th Amendment would lead to development, progress and protection of the democratic and human rights of the people. “Hasina must also clean the corrupt system and implement the ICT. The BNP should snap its links with the Jamaat because the alliance questions its democratic spirit,” said Sultana Kamal.

One year after the elections, Hasina is on the hot seat. The time is ticking for her. She has to perform or perish. Khaleda Zia has to be positive. Given the present situation, it is to be seen whether Bangladesh remains a basket case or is able to put its violent past behind and become a basket full of promises.