2011 Census and Muslims of Bengal

Arindam Sarkar

Poverty and illiteracy are largely responsible for the growth of the Muslim population in Bengal. The 2011 census released by the Government of India shows that the population of Muslims in Bengal has grown from 25.2 per cent in 2001 to 26.94 percent in 2011. That is a growth 1.8 per cent in one decade.

In Bengal, majority of the Muslims are poor. They work as agricultural labours or factory hands. “Living in the rural areas, the Muslims believe that a large family helps to increase the income. Similarly, due to lack of education and awareness, the illiterate Muslims ignore family planning. Both contributes to growth in population,” explained President of the West Bengal wing of the Jamaat-E-Islami Hind Mohammad Nuruddin.

Muslims primarily live in the districts of Murshidabad, Malda, North Dinajpur, South Dinajpur, North 24 Parganas, South 24 Parganas, Howrah, Hooghly and Kolkata in Bengal. And Muslims are in majority in Murshidabad, Malda and Uttar Dinajpur.

Secretary General of the West Bengal wing of the Jamaat-E-Islami Hind Abdur Rafiq describes the growth of the Muslim population in the last decade as natural. “Lack of education, religious belief and unwilling to practice family planning led to rise in population,” said Abdur Rafiq.

However, Abdur Rafiq insisted that he does not consider infiltration through the porous Indo-Bangla to be a factor behind the rise in Muslim population. “I live in a border area. Most of the infiltrators and refugees are Hindus from Bangladesh. Impoverished Muslims cross over in search of work but they do not settle down in India. They go back to Bangladesh after working,” claimed Abdur Rafiq.

General secretary of the Maulana Shaukat Ali Foundation Ayaz Ahmed pointed out that the Muslims are now seriously spreading education among the brethren and that is paying off. No wonder, in the last decade the population of the Muslims grew by only less than 2 per cent. “Better education and awareness would introduce family planning and that would naturally bring the population down. It would also improve the socio-economic condition of the Muslims in Bengal,” said Ayaz Ahmed.

Speaking about the trend of the population growth of the Muslims in Bengal, the Head of the Dawaat Division of the West Bengal wing of the Jamaat-E-Islami Hind Mohammad Tahiruddin said the figures clearly show that there is a downslide. ‘Compared to 2001, the figure in 2011 is not much different. It seems the Muslims are becoming conscious of better living and birth control methods,” said Mohammad Nuruddin.

In fact, the Muslim intelligentsia and the Jamaat-E-Islami Hind leaders, who work among the Muslims in the sphere of education, health and moral development (religion), are unanimous that in comparison to the last three censuses, the 2011 census is an indicator that the growth of the Muslim population has slowed down significantly. “This is largely due to resurgence of education among the Muslims and realization that bigger unit is an economic burden on the family purse,” said Ayaz Ahmed.

Abdur Rafiq summed it up when he said that majority of the poor Muslims do not do family planning. He said it is only the educated that practice birth control methods. And once the entire community resorts to this scientific technique, the growth of Muslim population would further reduce.

Sonia tells Bengal Congress leaders to wait and watch

Arindam Sarkar

AICC president Sonia Gandhi told the senior State Congress leaders, who called on the party boss at her residence in New Delhi, that the time was not ripe to discuss about electoral alliance and the party’s poll strategy in Bengal. It will be finalized later.

On Friday evening, August 21, 2015, Rajya Sabha MP Pradip Bhattacharya, Lok Sabha MP AH Khan Chowdhury, former PCC chief Somen Mitra, Deepa Dasmunshi and Abdul Mannan met Sonia Gandhi and briefed her about the political situation in Bengal.

Apparently, the recent meeting between Sonia Gandhi and Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee in the Central Hall of the Parliament has confused the State Congress leaders. Totally against an electoral alliance with the Trinamool Congress, the State Congress satraps wanted to know whether Sonia Gandhi was considering a pre-electoral alliance with Mamata for the ensuing 2016 Assembly polls – as it happened in 2011 Assembly elections.

“In the Congress, election strategy is decided by the AICC. If there is a political adjustment or an aggression, it is the AICC that will decide on it. Sonia Gandhi said, when the AICC takes the decision, the PCC leaders would be consulted,” said Pradip Bhattacharya.

To convince Sonia Gandhi that the PCC was against an electoral alliance with the Trinamool, as the latter was out to decimate the former, Congress leaders said the Trinamool was attacking their party rank and file in Bengal.

Sonia Gandhi hinted that soon an AICC observer would be sent to Bengal. He would visit the various districts to read the ground situation and meet the PCC leaders before briefing the AICC on the strategy to be adopted for the ensuing elections in the State. “Six months back AICC general secretary Madhusudhan Mistry came to consult the PCC leaders,” said Pradip Bhattacharya.

In the meeting with Sonia Gandhi, the Bengal leaders also said that the high command should give direction to the State unit to develop the party organization to fight the elections. In other words, without criticizing the PCC chief Adhir Chowdhury, the leaders impressed upon Sonia Gandhi that the party was not moving in the right direction.

“We discussed organizational matters. We expect AICC observers to visit Bengal soon. Sonia Gandhi gave us a patient hearing. As far as electoral alliance with the Trinamool, we have expressed our reservation long back,” said Abdul Mannan.

On being told that senior State Congress leaders had raised questions about his leadership in Bengal, a confident State Congress president said there would be no organizational polls and he would complete his tenure.

“AICC has given me complete independence. They have never intervened in my job. They have not restrained me. I have got the mandate to prepare the party for the Assembly polls,” claimed Adhir Chowdhury.

However, Adhir said the senior State Congress leaders have the right to meet the AICC president. “I don’t know why they met Sonia Gandhi. But I know that when the AICC decides on the poll strategy for Bengal, they would call me and ask me to execute it – be it regarding alliance or organization strategy,” said Adhir.

No light and identity papers for the people of enclaves

Arindam Sarkar

Confusion and uncertainty prevails. And in the last two weeks, the State government or the district administration of Coochbehar has done little for the development and rehabilitation of the 14, 856 people living in the enclaves on the Indian side. The fate of 950-odd people, who crossed over from the Bangladeshi enclaves to settle in India, is same.

The Indo-Bangla Land Border Agreement paved the way for swapping of land and population on the midnight of July 31. The process would end by June 30, 2016. There were 111 Indian enclaves in Bangladesh and 51 Bangladeshi enclaves in the Coochbehar district of India. Diplomatic niceties over, now people in the Indian enclaves are groping in the dark.

Back to the wall, a section of the people living in the Indian enclaves, along with the representatives of the Citizens’ Rights Coordination Committee (which is the successor of Bharat Bangladesh Enclave Exchange Committee), gave a deputation to the District Magistrate of Coochbehar P Ulaganathan few days back.

The delegation told the DM that since the residents of the enclaves have no proper identification papers that confirm their Indian citizenship, they should all be given a primary identification certificate. The residents of the enclaves should also be helped to open accounts in nationalized banks.


Since there is no electricity, people need kerosene to light their homes. Therefore, the district administration should immediately issue these people ration cards to buy kerosene at a subsidized rate. Also, the children’s education certificates should be given recognition by the State government.

“I am told the district administration would begin distributing primary identification certificates to the people of the enclaves from August 24. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is aware of our problems. We don’t want NGOs to work here. The CM should involve the health, PWD, rural development and PHE department to develop the 7,110 acres of land for the uplift of the people,” said Coordinator of the Citizens’ Rights Coordination Committee Diptiman Sengupta.

Out of the total 15, 815 people living in the enclaves in Bengal, almost 12,000 of them will vote in 2016 Assembly polls. The voters of the 51 enclaves fall under the Assembly constituencies of Dinhata, Sitai, Mathabhanga and Mekhliganj. Out of these, majority belongs to the Assembly segments of Dinhata and Mekhliganj.

Diptiman Sengupta said apart from development of infrastructure, plans are afoot to create employment opportunities for the people of the enclaves. He said there are five major water bodies here, which can provide employment to at least 700 families.

“Employment generation in the enclaves is a major thrust area. We will also develop cooperative farming of agriculture and livestock. We are trying to develop a system where the people would be involved from production to marketing stage without depending on middlemen,” said Diptiman Sengupta.

Finally, since this is a border area, the Citizens’ Rights Coordination Committee has decided to work to improve the Indo-Bangla bilateral relations in this zone to make life easy for the people living on the enclaves of both the sides.

“We will give thrust to the exchange programme of farmers. We will ensure that those who sell their land in Bangladesh to come here are able to get their money here smoothly and vice versa,” explained Diptiman Sengupta.

As things stand, life on the Indo-Bangla border following the Land Border Agreement is still far from happy. People have too many problems and the State government is yet to solve the difficulties. 

Infighting in the Congress over Bangla Bandh

Arindam Sarkar

Infighting in the West Bengal Pradesh Congress Committee once again came to the surface. This time over a decision that State Congress president Adhir Chowdhury took without consulting his party colleagues.

It was the unilateral decision of State Congress president Adhir Chowdhury to call a Bangla Bandh on August 18 that peeved the Congress leadership. Result: the infuriated Congress leaders boycotted the bandh and stayed indoors.

While the Congress satraps of North Bengal – especially Murshidabad, North Dinajpur and Malda – made the Bangla Bandh a success, the senior leaders of South Bengal stayed away. And the Congress bandh failed to have any impact in this belt of Bengal.

Apparently, the bitterness between Congress satraps and Adhir Chowdhury began over the date on which the bandh was to be called. Initially, sources said, Adhir was interested in calling the Bangla Bandh on August 20. But he had to retract since the birth anniversary of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi fell on that date.

Since the State Congress’ minority programme at Indoor Stadium was already scheduled on August 19, former PCC chief Manas Bhuniya requested Adhir to call the Bangla Bandh on either August 17 or August 21.

“But he refused to take our views into consideration. He took the decision alone and from New Delhi declared that the bandh would be observed on August 18. This attitude alienated the Congress leaders,” said Manas Bhuniya.

Refuting the allegation of the PCC satraps, Adhir Chowdhury said that the Congress Constitution gave power to the State president to take unilateral decisions. “I ratified my decision to hold the Bangla Bandh on August 18 from the AICC. That is enough,” said Adhir Chowdhury.

While Adhir, Deepa Dasmunshi, AH Khan Chowdhury and Mausam Benazir Noor made the Congress bandh successful in the districts of Murshidabad, Uttar Dinajpur and Malda, absence of former PCC chiefs Somen Mitra, Pradip Bhattacharya and Manas Bhuniya, and senior leaders Abdul Mannan and Shankar Singh crippled the bandh in South Bengal. “I made the bandh a total success in Sabong,” claimed Manas Bhuniya.

Senior Congress leaders said they did not participate in the bandh because Adhir did not consult the PCC for finalizing the decision and the date. What’s more, the Congress leaders alleged, Adhir’s call for a bandh from New Delhi instead of Kolkata was also peculiar and showed streaks of his individual style of politics.

“He did not consult us. He did not hold a formal press conference to announce the Bangla Bandh and took no initiative to involve the PCC leaders. So nobody paid any importance to his call,” said Abdul Mannan.

Criticising the non-participation of the senior Congress leaders in the bandh, Adhir Chowdhury said what emerged is not the factionalism in the party but a deliberate attempt by a section of the Congress leadership to defeat the purpose of protesting against the deteriorating law and order situation and anarchy in the State through a bandh.

“These Congress leaders are out to dilute my leadership. They would have been very happy if the Bangla Bandh had evoked no response,” alleged Adhir Chowdhury.

However, Adhir said in the coming days he would hit the streets again to protest against the atrocities perpetrated by the Trinamool Congress government in Bengal – even if it means doing it alone.

Enclaves: Living on the edge

Arindam Sarkar

The ice between India and Bangladesh began melting after both the Houses of the Indian Parliament passed the 119^th Amendment to the Constitution in May 2015 and agreed to sign the pending Land Border Agreement (LBA) between the two countries.

The agreement paved the way for the swapping of land and population on the midnight of July 31, the process that would end by June 30, 2016. There are 111 Indian enclaves in Bangladesh and 51 Bangladeshi enclaves in the Cooch Behar district of India.

But the LBA is only one of the issues that have been straining the Indo-Bangla relations. The LBA is materializing after six decades, but the Indo-Bangla Teesta Water Sharing Treaty and checking of rampant infiltration of population and terrorists from the Bangladesh side through the porous border to India remain crucial bilateral issues. Added to this is Bengal’s dissatisfaction over Bangladesh’s banning of Hilsa export to India.

The first hurdle was crossed when Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in the presence of Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, signed the LBA with Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in June 2016. Modi also assured that other bilateral irritants would be resolved amicably in the future.

Now that the enclaves have been exchanged, in the coming months it is the development at the micro level, and not political campaign or religious card that would determine the voting pattern of the settlers in the 51 enclaves of Coochbehar district in Bengal (on the Indian side) in the 2016 Assembly elections.

In the absence of electricity, sanitation, hospitals, schools, proper roads and supply of clean drinking water, life is terrible for the 15, 815 residents living in the enclaves on the Indian side. “We know that unless we undertake development work, the enclave dwellers will not vote for us. But before the 2016 Assembly polls, they will see that we are working to improve their living condition,” claimed North Bengal Development Minister Goutam Deb.

Out of the 15, 815 people living in the enclaves in Bengal, almost 12,000 of them will vote in 2016 Assembly polls. The voters of the 51 enclaves fall under the Assembly constituencies of Dinhata, Sitai Mathabhanga and Mekhliganj. Out of these, majority belongs to the Assembly segments of Dinhata and Mekhliganj that are held by Forward Bloc candidates. Congress has won Sitai and Mathabhanga belongs to the Trinamool Congress.

In 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the people of the enclaves voted en masse for the Trinamool candidates of Coochbehar and Jalpaiguri constituencies. For, they hoped the Trinamool would pave the way for the Land Border Agreement (LBA) and give them freedom from existence in no-man’s land.

“But in 2011 Assembly polls, the people of the enclaves voted on the basis of development in their local areas. In 2016 too, development of the enclaves would determine which way the people living in the enclaves would vote,” said Dinhata’s Forward Bloc MLA Udayan Guha.

By June 2016, the process of swapping of people would be completed by India and Bangladesh. From January 5, 2016, the new voters’ list would be compiled. Already 4,000 out of the 15, 815 of the enclaves in the Indian side are voters. “Once enclave dwellers get their citizenship by the end of this year, they can enroll themselves in the voters’ list,” said Udayan Guha.

Since majority of the residents in the enclaves of Coochbehar are Muslims, at times political parties played the religious card during the elections. But it has never been the overriding factor. Similarly, people who have been working with the enclave dwellers, like Diptiman Sengupta of Bharat Bangladesh Enclaves Exchange Committee and Debabrata Chaki, have tried to influence the local voting pattern. But lack of development in the enclaves has always taken precedence over such factors during elections.

“I agree there is no infrastructure in the enclaves. People are leading a pathetic life. We have to work on a war footing to make their life better,” said Goutam Deb. The minister pointed out that to begin with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee would soon lay the foundation stone of a bridge that would connect Haldibari with Mekhliganj.

Trinamool believes the signing of the LBA has created goodwill for Mamata Banerjee and the enclave dwellers are willing to give time to the CM to develop the enclaves. Meanwhile, the Forward Bloc and the Congress is confident of holding on to its bastions with the support of the enclave dwellers.

As for Bangladeshi Hilsa, which has almost vanished from the fish markets of Kolkata since Dhaka banned it export, Teesta holds the key. Sheikh Hasina told Mamata Banerjee that once the Teesta water starts flowing to Bangladesh from India, the Hilsa of River Padma would find its way to the Ganges of Bengal. So the ban would be only lifted after the Indo-Bangla Teesta Water Sharing Treaty is signed.