Thursday, August 27, 2015

2011 Census and Muslims of Bengal

Arindam Sarkar

Poverty and illiteracy are largely responsible for the growth of the Muslim population in Bengal. The 2011 census released by the Government of India shows that the population of Muslims in Bengal has grown from 25.2 per cent in 2001 to 26.94 percent in 2011. That is a growth 1.8 per cent in one decade.

In Bengal, majority of the Muslims are poor. They work as agricultural labours or factory hands. “Living in the rural areas, the Muslims believe that a large family helps to increase the income. Similarly, due to lack of education and awareness, the illiterate Muslims ignore family planning. Both contributes to growth in population,” explained President of the West Bengal wing of the Jamaat-E-Islami Hind Mohammad Nuruddin.

Muslims primarily live in the districts of Murshidabad, Malda, North Dinajpur, South Dinajpur, North 24 Parganas, South 24 Parganas, Howrah, Hooghly and Kolkata in Bengal. And Muslims are in majority in Murshidabad, Malda and Uttar Dinajpur.

Secretary General of the West Bengal wing of the Jamaat-E-Islami Hind Abdur Rafiq describes the growth of the Muslim population in the last decade as natural. “Lack of education, religious belief and unwilling to practice family planning led to rise in population,” said Abdur Rafiq.

However, Abdur Rafiq insisted that he does not consider infiltration through the porous Indo-Bangla to be a factor behind the rise in Muslim population. “I live in a border area. Most of the infiltrators and refugees are Hindus from Bangladesh. Impoverished Muslims cross over in search of work but they do not settle down in India. They go back to Bangladesh after working,” claimed Abdur Rafiq.

General secretary of the Maulana Shaukat Ali Foundation Ayaz Ahmed pointed out that the Muslims are now seriously spreading education among the brethren and that is paying off. No wonder, in the last decade the population of the Muslims grew by only less than 2 per cent. “Better education and awareness would introduce family planning and that would naturally bring the population down. It would also improve the socio-economic condition of the Muslims in Bengal,” said Ayaz Ahmed.

Speaking about the trend of the population growth of the Muslims in Bengal, the Head of the Dawaat Division of the West Bengal wing of the Jamaat-E-Islami Hind Mohammad Tahiruddin said the figures clearly show that there is a downslide. ‘Compared to 2001, the figure in 2011 is not much different. It seems the Muslims are becoming conscious of better living and birth control methods,” said Mohammad Nuruddin.

In fact, the Muslim intelligentsia and the Jamaat-E-Islami Hind leaders, who work among the Muslims in the sphere of education, health and moral development (religion), are unanimous that in comparison to the last three censuses, the 2011 census is an indicator that the growth of the Muslim population has slowed down significantly. “This is largely due to resurgence of education among the Muslims and realization that bigger unit is an economic burden on the family purse,” said Ayaz Ahmed.

Abdur Rafiq summed it up when he said that majority of the poor Muslims do not do family planning. He said it is only the educated that practice birth control methods. And once the entire community resorts to this scientific technique, the growth of Muslim population would further reduce.

Wednesday, August 26, 2015

Sonia tells Bengal Congress leaders to wait and watch

Arindam Sarkar

AICC president Sonia Gandhi told the senior State Congress leaders, who called on the party boss at her residence in New Delhi, that the time was not ripe to discuss about electoral alliance and the party’s poll strategy in Bengal. It will be finalized later.

On Friday evening, August 21, 2015, Rajya Sabha MP Pradip Bhattacharya, Lok Sabha MP AH Khan Chowdhury, former PCC chief Somen Mitra, Deepa Dasmunshi and Abdul Mannan met Sonia Gandhi and briefed her about the political situation in Bengal.

Apparently, the recent meeting between Sonia Gandhi and Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee in the Central Hall of the Parliament has confused the State Congress leaders. Totally against an electoral alliance with the Trinamool Congress, the State Congress satraps wanted to know whether Sonia Gandhi was considering a pre-electoral alliance with Mamata for the ensuing 2016 Assembly polls – as it happened in 2011 Assembly elections.

“In the Congress, election strategy is decided by the AICC. If there is a political adjustment or an aggression, it is the AICC that will decide on it. Sonia Gandhi said, when the AICC takes the decision, the PCC leaders would be consulted,” said Pradip Bhattacharya.

To convince Sonia Gandhi that the PCC was against an electoral alliance with the Trinamool, as the latter was out to decimate the former, Congress leaders said the Trinamool was attacking their party rank and file in Bengal.

Sonia Gandhi hinted that soon an AICC observer would be sent to Bengal. He would visit the various districts to read the ground situation and meet the PCC leaders before briefing the AICC on the strategy to be adopted for the ensuing elections in the State. “Six months back AICC general secretary Madhusudhan Mistry came to consult the PCC leaders,” said Pradip Bhattacharya.

In the meeting with Sonia Gandhi, the Bengal leaders also said that the high command should give direction to the State unit to develop the party organization to fight the elections. In other words, without criticizing the PCC chief Adhir Chowdhury, the leaders impressed upon Sonia Gandhi that the party was not moving in the right direction.

“We discussed organizational matters. We expect AICC observers to visit Bengal soon. Sonia Gandhi gave us a patient hearing. As far as electoral alliance with the Trinamool, we have expressed our reservation long back,” said Abdul Mannan.

On being told that senior State Congress leaders had raised questions about his leadership in Bengal, a confident State Congress president said there would be no organizational polls and he would complete his tenure.


“AICC has given me complete independence. They have never intervened in my job. They have not restrained me. I have got the mandate to prepare the party for the Assembly polls,” claimed Adhir Chowdhury.

However, Adhir said the senior State Congress leaders have the right to meet the AICC president. “I don’t know why they met Sonia Gandhi. But I know that when the AICC decides on the poll strategy for Bengal, they would call me and ask me to execute it – be it regarding alliance or organization strategy,” said Adhir.



Saturday, August 22, 2015

No light and identity papers for the people of enclaves

Arindam Sarkar

Confusion and uncertainty prevails. And in the last two weeks, the State government or the district administration of Coochbehar has done little for the development and rehabilitation of the 14, 856 people living in the enclaves on the Indian side. The fate of 950-odd people, who crossed over from the Bangladeshi enclaves to settle in India, is same.

The Indo-Bangla Land Border Agreement paved the way for swapping of land and population on the midnight of July 31. The process would end by June 30, 2016. There were 111 Indian enclaves in Bangladesh and 51 Bangladeshi enclaves in the Coochbehar district of India. Diplomatic niceties over, now people in the Indian enclaves are groping in the dark.

Back to the wall, a section of the people living in the Indian enclaves, along with the representatives of the Citizens’ Rights Coordination Committee (which is the successor of Bharat Bangladesh Enclave Exchange Committee), gave a deputation to the District Magistrate of Coochbehar P Ulaganathan few days back.

The delegation told the DM that since the residents of the enclaves have no proper identification papers that confirm their Indian citizenship, they should all be given a primary identification certificate. The residents of the enclaves should also be helped to open accounts in nationalized banks.


Since there is no electricity, people need kerosene to light their homes. Therefore, the district administration should immediately issue these people ration cards to buy kerosene at a subsidized rate. Also, the children’s education certificates should be given recognition by the State government.

“I am told the district administration would begin distributing primary identification certificates to the people of the enclaves from August 24. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is aware of our problems. We don’t want NGOs to work here. The CM should involve the health, PWD, rural development and PHE department to develop the 7,110 acres of land for the uplift of the people,” said Coordinator of the Citizens’ Rights Coordination Committee Diptiman Sengupta.

Out of the total 15, 815 people living in the enclaves in Bengal, almost 12,000 of them will vote in 2016 Assembly polls. The voters of the 51 enclaves fall under the Assembly constituencies of Dinhata, Sitai, Mathabhanga and Mekhliganj. Out of these, majority belongs to the Assembly segments of Dinhata and Mekhliganj.

Diptiman Sengupta said apart from development of infrastructure, plans are afoot to create employment opportunities for the people of the enclaves. He said there are five major water bodies here, which can provide employment to at least 700 families.

“Employment generation in the enclaves is a major thrust area. We will also develop cooperative farming of agriculture and livestock. We are trying to develop a system where the people would be involved from production to marketing stage without depending on middlemen,” said Diptiman Sengupta.

Finally, since this is a border area, the Citizens’ Rights Coordination Committee has decided to work to improve the Indo-Bangla bilateral relations in this zone to make life easy for the people living on the enclaves of both the sides.


“We will give thrust to the exchange programme of farmers. We will ensure that those who sell their land in Bangladesh to come here are able to get their money here smoothly and vice versa,” explained Diptiman Sengupta.

As things stand, life on the Indo-Bangla border following the Land Border Agreement is still far from happy. People have too many problems and the State government is yet to solve the difficulties. 


Thursday, August 20, 2015

Infighting in the Congress over Bangla Bandh

Arindam Sarkar

Infighting in the West Bengal Pradesh Congress Committee once again came to the surface. This time over a decision that State Congress president Adhir Chowdhury took without consulting his party colleagues.

It was the unilateral decision of State Congress president Adhir Chowdhury to call a Bangla Bandh on August 18 that peeved the Congress leadership. Result: the infuriated Congress leaders boycotted the bandh and stayed indoors.

While the Congress satraps of North Bengal – especially Murshidabad, North Dinajpur and Malda – made the Bangla Bandh a success, the senior leaders of South Bengal stayed away. And the Congress bandh failed to have any impact in this belt of Bengal.

Apparently, the bitterness between Congress satraps and Adhir Chowdhury began over the date on which the bandh was to be called. Initially, sources said, Adhir was interested in calling the Bangla Bandh on August 20. But he had to retract since the birth anniversary of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi fell on that date.

Since the State Congress’ minority programme at Indoor Stadium was already scheduled on August 19, former PCC chief Manas Bhuniya requested Adhir to call the Bangla Bandh on either August 17 or August 21.

“But he refused to take our views into consideration. He took the decision alone and from New Delhi declared that the bandh would be observed on August 18. This attitude alienated the Congress leaders,” said Manas Bhuniya.

Refuting the allegation of the PCC satraps, Adhir Chowdhury said that the Congress Constitution gave power to the State president to take unilateral decisions. “I ratified my decision to hold the Bangla Bandh on August 18 from the AICC. That is enough,” said Adhir Chowdhury.

While Adhir, Deepa Dasmunshi, AH Khan Chowdhury and Mausam Benazir Noor made the Congress bandh successful in the districts of Murshidabad, Uttar Dinajpur and Malda, absence of former PCC chiefs Somen Mitra, Pradip Bhattacharya and Manas Bhuniya, and senior leaders Abdul Mannan and Shankar Singh crippled the bandh in South Bengal. “I made the bandh a total success in Sabong,” claimed Manas Bhuniya.

Senior Congress leaders said they did not participate in the bandh because Adhir did not consult the PCC for finalizing the decision and the date. What’s more, the Congress leaders alleged, Adhir’s call for a bandh from New Delhi instead of Kolkata was also peculiar and showed streaks of his individual style of politics.

“He did not consult us. He did not hold a formal press conference to announce the Bangla Bandh and took no initiative to involve the PCC leaders. So nobody paid any importance to his call,” said Abdul Mannan.

Criticising the non-participation of the senior Congress leaders in the bandh, Adhir Chowdhury said what emerged is not the factionalism in the party but a deliberate attempt by a section of the Congress leadership to defeat the purpose of protesting against the deteriorating law and order situation and anarchy in the State through a bandh.

“These Congress leaders are out to dilute my leadership. They would have been very happy if the Bangla Bandh had evoked no response,” alleged Adhir Chowdhury.

However, Adhir said in the coming days he would hit the streets again to protest against the atrocities perpetrated by the Trinamool Congress government in Bengal – even if it means doing it alone.












Thursday, August 13, 2015

Enclaves: Living on the edge

Arindam Sarkar

The ice between India and Bangladesh began melting after both the Houses of the Indian Parliament passed the 119th Amendment to the Constitution in May 2015 and agreed to sign the pending Land Border Agreement (LBA) between the two countries.

The agreement paved the way for the swapping of land and population on the midnight of July 31, the process that would end by June 30, 2016. There are 111 Indian enclaves in Bangladesh and 51 Bangladeshi enclaves in the Cooch Behar district of India.

But the LBA is only one of the issues that have been straining the Indo-Bangla relations. The LBA is materializing after six decades, but the Indo-Bangla Teesta Water Sharing Treaty and checking of rampant infiltration of population and terrorists from the Bangladesh side through the porous border to India remain crucial bilateral issues. Added to this is Bengal’s dissatisfaction over Bangladesh’s banning of Hilsa export to India.

The first hurdle was crossed when Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in the presence of Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, signed the LBA with Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in June 2016. Modi also assured that other bilateral irritants would be resolved amicably in the future.

Now that the enclaves have been exchanged, in the coming months it is the development at the micro level, and not political campaign or religious card that would determine the voting pattern of the settlers in the 51 enclaves of Coochbehar district in Bengal (on the Indian side) in the 2016 Assembly elections.

In the absence of electricity, sanitation, hospitals, schools, proper roads and supply of clean drinking water, life is terrible for the 15, 815 residents living in the enclaves on the Indian side. “We know that unless we undertake development work, the enclave dwellers will not vote for us. But before the 2016 Assembly polls, they will see that we are working to improve their living condition,” claimed North Bengal Development Minister Goutam Deb.

Out of the 15, 815 people living in the enclaves in Bengal, almost 12,000 of them will vote in 2016 Assembly polls. The voters of the 51 enclaves fall under the Assembly constituencies of Dinhata, Sitai Mathabhanga and Mekhliganj. Out of these, majority belongs to the Assembly segments of Dinhata and Mekhliganj that are held by Forward Bloc candidates. Congress has won Sitai and Mathabhanga belongs to the Trinamool Congress.

In 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the people of the enclaves voted en masse for the Trinamool candidates of Coochbehar and Jalpaiguri constituencies. For, they hoped the Trinamool would pave the way for the Land Border Agreement (LBA) and give them freedom from existence in no-man’s land.

“But in 2011 Assembly polls, the people of the enclaves voted on the basis of development in their local areas. In 2016 too, development of the enclaves would determine which way the people living in the enclaves would vote,” said Dinhata’s Forward Bloc MLA Udayan Guha.

By June 2016, the process of swapping of people would be completed by India and Bangladesh. From January 5, 2016, the new voters’ list would be compiled. Already 4,000 out of the 15, 815 of the enclaves in the Indian side are voters. “Once enclave dwellers get their citizenship by the end of this year, they can enroll themselves in the voters’ list,” said Udayan Guha.

Since majority of the residents in the enclaves of Coochbehar are Muslims, at times political parties played the religious card during the elections. But it has never been the overriding factor. Similarly, people who have been working with the enclave dwellers, like Diptiman Sengupta of Bharat Bangladesh Enclaves Exchange Committee and Debabrata Chaki, have tried to influence the local voting pattern. But lack of development in the enclaves has always taken precedence over such factors during elections.

“I agree there is no infrastructure in the enclaves. People are leading a pathetic life. We have to work on a war footing to make their life better,” said Goutam Deb. The minister pointed out that to begin with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee would soon lay the foundation stone of a bridge that would connect Haldibari with Mekhliganj.

Trinamool believes the signing of the LBA has created goodwill for Mamata Banerjee and the enclave dwellers are willing to give time to the CM to develop the enclaves. Meanwhile, the Forward Bloc and the Congress is confident of holding on to its bastions with the support of the enclave dwellers.

As for Bangladeshi Hilsa, which has almost vanished from the fish markets of Kolkata since Dhaka banned it export, Teesta holds the key. Sheikh Hasina told Mamata Banerjee that once the Teesta water starts flowing to Bangladesh from India, the Hilsa of River Padma would find its way to the Ganges of Bengal. So the ban would be only lifted after the Indo-Bangla Teesta Water Sharing Treaty is signed.







Thursday, July 9, 2015

Mamata Banerjee getting into poll gear

Arindam Sarkar

Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee will slam the BJP and the CPI(M) and highlight the achievements of the Trinamool Congress government in Bengal before giving the clarion call for the 2016-middle Assembly elections in the Martyr’s Day Rally at Brigade Parade Grounds in Kolkata on July 21, 2015.

In the rally, Mamata Banerjee would also declare that in the next six months her State government and the people’s representatives – MPs and MLAs – would complete all the development projects that have been promised to the people.

Though relations between Mamata Banerjee and Prime Minister Narendra Modi has improved considerably since the PM’s visit to Kolkata in May 2015 and their joint visit to Dhaka in June 2015, this would not stop the Bengal CM from hammering the BJP in order to keep the Muslim votes of Bengal intact.

The BJP improved its vote-bank from six to 17 percent in the Lok Sabha polls in 2014. However, the BJP support base subsequently dipped and it reflected in the elections to the Kolkata Municipal Corporation and other municipalities in the State. “Mamata’s hobnobbing with Modi has created a confusion among the Muslims. And to consolidate the 28 per cent Muslim vote-bank that is strongly behind Mamata, she is going to lambast the BJP,” said a Trinamool leader.

Mamata knows the CPI(M) and the Congress would pose challenge to the Trinamool in some pockets of North and South 24 Parganas, Bankura, Purulia, Murshidabad, Malda, North Dinajpur and parts of North Bengal. Mamata is banking on the rural development works done by her government in these districts to defeat the Marxists and the Congress.

“Development work done by the Trinamool government in rural Bengal would ensure a comfortable second term,” said State panchayat minister Subrata Mukherjee.

According to sources, Mamata has set a stiff target for the Trinamool in the next Assembly polls. In 2011, Trinamool secured 185 out of the 294 Assembly seats. In her second term, Mamata wants nothing less than 220 seats. Senior party leaders said that the CM’s constant visibility, direct contact with the people’s representatives of all levels and moving with bureaucrats from Kolkata to the villages to expedite development works has created a huge mass appeal for Mamata.

“More than the organizational work, it is Mamata’s appeal and transparent administration that is going pay off in the polls. Mamata nowadays is running both the government and the party,” said senior Trinamool leader Nirbed Roy.

Talking about the Opposition to Mamata, Nirbed Roy, who recently travelled with Mamata to Jhargram, West Midnapore, Purulia and Bankura, said that people are absolutely moved to see their CM at so close quarters solving their problems – so frequently. “In Jhargram, we crossed three Assembly constituencies and not a single Opposition flag was visible. Mamata wave is going to wipe out the Opposition in the next Assembly elections,” added Nirbed Roy.

Party sources revealed, Mamata is not only following up on the development works launched by her, but is making her MPs and MLAs accountable for the projects that are being executed in their respective constituencies.




Friday, June 26, 2015

Fishermen and the sea

Arindam Sarkar

Fear of being displaced from their homes and certain of being denied of their livelihood from the sea, fishermen of Haripur and Junput in East Midnapore district of West Bengal in India are preparing to launch an agitation against the mega projects lined up by the Centre and the State Government along the Bay of Bengal in July.

The plan to set up a Deep Sea Port at Junput (which is about 500 meters from Haripur); a Freight Corridor from Vishakapatnam in Andhra Pradesh to Haldia via Haripur; a Missile Launching Pad at Junput; and the Haripur Nuclear Power Plant has created a furore among the villagers and the fishermen living in coastal Bengal.

Utterly confused, the representatives of the Dakshin Banga Matsyajibi Forum (a fishermen’s association), Haripur Paromanu Prokolpo Pratirodh Andolan Committee (anti-nuclear plant forum) and Contai Fishermens’ Union met the Contai MP and the Trinamool Congress District President Sishir Adhikari.

Sishir Adhikari told them that in the next four years the Deep Sea Port, which will have a lifespan of 500 years, would be completed on 3,000 acres of land with an investment of Rs 6,000 crore. For the Missile Launching Pad, around 8 acres of land would be acquired. However, the MP assured the delegates that the Trinamool Congress government in Bengal was against Haripur Nuclear Power Plant and it won’t be set up.

“The slew of projects is going to harm the local people living in the coastal belt. Fishermen will be badly affected and the natural resources of the sea would be destroyed in the coastal area. These projects will severely harm the marine environment,” said Secretary of the National Fishermen Workers’ Forum, Pradip Chatterjee.

General secretary of the Dakshin Banga Matsyajibi Forum Debasish Shyamal said if these projects come up then about 15,000 people living in the coastal belt of Haripur and Junput would be displaced. And about 8,600 fishermen who are operating from the Fish Landing Centres of Haripur, Junput, Baguram Jalpai I, Baguram Jalpai II and Soula would be directly affected.

In this coastal belt, fishermen mainly catch Bhola, Ribbon, Bombay Duck, Prawn and variety of small fishes. Marine life will be destroyed and fishermen of this coastal belt will be left jobless.

“Although we are being assured that the Haripur Nuclear Power Plant won’t come up, we are still living in anxiety. If this plant comes up, more than 12,000 people of nine villages will be displaced. Five Fish Landing Centers will be destroyed and marine life will be totally finished,” claimed Debasish Shyamal.

According to President of Haripur Fish Landing Centre Bakul Kumar Bor, a nuclear power plant at Haripur will also seriously affect the other existing 41 Fish Landing Centres in the Contai belt and the three harbours at Digha, Shankarpur and Petuaghat from where the trawlers operate. At present, 2,500 trawlers and 3,000 country-boats fish in this coastal belt.

The fishermen’s unions have demanded that no project should be allowed to come up in this coastal belt that would affect their living and livelihood. Since small and traditional fishermen will face the brunt of developing a modern project, their livelihood should be protected. And finally, under no circumstances a nuclear power plant should be allowed to come up at Haripur – for, its ramifications would be serious on the people living in the coastal belt and the marine life.

“We should not kill our sea resources. Sustainable fishery should be preserved. Projects should not come up at the cost of environment, fishermen, sea and marine life,” said Pradip Chatterjee. In July, fishermen will gather at Contai Town Hall to prepare the road map for their agitation.





Thursday, June 25, 2015

Goodbye, Sister Nirmala

Arindam Sarkar

She was always unassuming and low profile in the Order of the Missionaries of Charity headquartered in Kolkata. Ever smiling and compassionate, she was a friend of the poor and the neglected. Her qualities did not go unrecognized.

In 1997, six months before her death, Blessed Mother Teresa gave the world her long-time, introvert companion Sister Nirmala as the superior general of her Catholic order. Sister Nirmala (81) died on the morning of June 23, 2015.

Media-shy Sister Nirmala, after serving as superior general for 12 years, resigned in 2009 and passed the baton to the German nun Sister Mary Prema.

Sister Nirmala’s body was kept at St John’s Church at Sealdah on June 23. On the morning of June 24, her body was brought to the Mother House and kept on the ground floor for public viewing. Later, it was taken to the chapel on the first floor for the funeral mass.

In the evening, the nuns of the Missionaries of Charity, followers and other people of the city walked with the hearse and bid a tearful farewell to Sister Nirmala. She was buried at the St John’s Church Cemetery in Sealdah at 7 pm.

“She died peacefully. She was a great soul,” said Archbishop of Kolkata Father Thomas D’Souza. He said Sister Nirmala was suffering from heart disease and was admitted to the hospital before being brought to the Mother House, where she finally succumbed.

Talking about Sister Nirmala, a long-time associate of Mother Teresa and Missionaries of Charity Sunita Kumar said that she was a quiet, gentle and a tireless nun. It was under her stewardship, after Mother Teresa’s death, that the Missionaries of Charity expanded its homes in different parts of the world.

And during the tenure of Sister Nirmala, as Superior General of the Missionaries of Charity, Vatican beatified Mother Teresa. “She carried forward the legacy of service to the poor and spread the message and activities of the Missionaries of Charity,” said a senior nun. “She kept alive the exemplary life and times of Mother Teresa.”

Soon after Mother Teresa died on September 5, 1997, Pope John Paul II put her Cause for beatification and canonsiation on a fast track. And under Sister Nirmala, Postulator for the Cause of Sainthood of Mother Teresa, Father Brian Kolodiejchuk, who is the Superior General of the MC Fathers in Tijuana, Mexico, submitted his report on Mother’s life to Vatican.

On October 19, 2003, a seven-member delegation led by Sister Nirmala attended the beatification ceremony of Mother Teresa in Vatican and met Pope John Paul II. After returning to Kolkata, she led a mass of the Missionaries of Charity nuns in praise of Mother Teresa and prayed for her sainthood. “Sister Nirmala believed God would canonize Mother soon,” said a senior nun.

Sister Nirmala was born as Nirmala Joshi in Ranchi. She was inspired by life and work of Mother Teresa and joined the Missionaries of Charity in 1976. Mother made her complete her law studies and thereafter, Sister Nirmala dedicated her life to the service of the poor. She was one of the first nuns to be selected by Mother Teresa to work for the Order in foreign countries. Her first destination was Panama.

Sister Nirmala was bestowed with Padma Vibhushan in 2009 for her services to the nation. Prime Minister Narendra Modi offered his condolences over the demise of Sister Nirmala. "Sister Nirmala's life was devoted to service, caring for the poor and underprivileged. Saddened by her demise. May her soul rest in peace. My deepest condolences to the Missionaries of Charity family on the passing away of Sister Nirmala," he said.

Meanwhile, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, who paid her last respects to Sister Nirmala at the Mother House, posted on the tweeter: “Saddened at the passing away of Sister Nirmala who headed the Missionaries of Charity after Mother Teresa. Kolkata and the world will miss her.”


Friday, June 19, 2015

Crying for Hilsa

Arindam Sarkar

With the onset of monsoon and the peak season of the silver crop around the corner, all eyes are riveted towards the porous Indo-Bangla border. Bengal’s fish importers and connoisseurs are hoping that despite Bangladesh’s ban, as in the last three years, Hilsa of River Padma would be clandestinely smuggled into Bengal.

However, Bengal is keeping its finger crossed because in the last three years smuggling of Hilsa from Bangladesh has gradually reduced. “In 2012, the year Hilsa was banned, around 1,200 metric tonne was smuggled into Bengal. But in 2013 and 2014, only 600 metric tonne of Hilsa found its way through the porous Indo-Bangla border illegally,” said Secretary of West Bengal Fish Importers Association Syed Anwar Maqsood.

Bangladesh banned Hilsa in 2012 during the month of Ramadan on the grounds that they were not able to meet the domestic demand. But in due course it took a political colour. In 2014, Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina told Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee that Dhaka would not export Hilsa to Bengal unless the Indo-Bangla Teesta Water Sharing Treaty was signed.

It is learnt that before the banning of Hilsa, West Bengal Fish Importers Association imported 6,000 metric tonne of Hilsa from Bangladesh. “As the demand for Bangladesh Hilsa was increasing, our import also increased. Bangladesh Hilsa is sold in Bengal at Rs 1,200 per kg,” said Syed Anwar Maqsood.

The banning gave rise to smuggling of Hilsa. In the last three years, trucks loaded with tonnes of Hilsa entered Bengal from porous borders at Benapole and Lalgola. The smuggling of Hilsa through the porous border takes place during the peak catch season stretching from July to December.

“With the tightening of border vigilance and Bangladesh determined not to give Hilsa until and unless Teesta treaty is signed, we don’t know how much Hilsa could be smuggled into Bengal in 2015,” said Syed Anwar Maqsood.

According to Processing Manager of BENFISH Sushanta Kumar Mondol: “This year during Jamai Shasthi, we were told that we would get 500 kg of Bangladesh Hilsa for our mobile catering service. But we got nothing.”  

With supply from Bangladesh almost zero, people are satisfying themselves with the Hilsa from Myanmar, Diamond Harbour, Raidighi, Mumbai, Gujarat and Odisha. “Our domestic Hilsa catch every season is around 6,000 metric tonne. But even the domestic catch is falling over the years,” rued Syed Anwar Maqsood.

Apparently, the migration of Hilsa from Bay of Bengal to other places, pollution of coastal water, excessive trawling, catching of small Hilsas are all affecting the domestic production of the silver crop. Debabrata Khuntia, who specializes in fishing Hilsa in Bay of Bengal, said that 10 years back the fishermen used to catch not less than 30 tonnes of fish in a single fish-landing center in coastal Bengal. But today they catch only 5 tonne of Hilsa during the three-month season.

With the rise in domestic consumption in Bengal, the banning of the silver crop by Bangladesh and the fall in border smuggling is worrying both the fish importers and the Hilsa fanatics.

Monday, June 15, 2015

And quiet flows the Teesta

Arindam Sarkar

Not before the 2016 Assembly elections in Bengal but ahead of the 2018 of the parliamentary polls in Bangladesh, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is likely to give her nod to the Indo-Bangla Teesta Water Sharing Treaty – being pursued by Prime Minister Narendra Modi – provided Bengal’s share of water is not compromised.

In her talks with Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina during her two visits to Dhaka and during her confabulations with Narendra Modi, Mamata conveyed that it was not possible to have the water pact before the impending Assembly polls and that realistic riverine data should be taken into consideration before deciding how much Teesta water should be shared with Bangladesh.

As advised by river and ecological experts, Mamata believes unless the water sharing treaty is based on realistic data of water volume in Teesta, the river will not fulfill the unrealistic irrigation command area in either Bengal or Bangladesh. And North Bengal would suffer significantly.

“According to international convention, India cannot stop water from flowing into Bangladesh. What is important is how much Teesta water can be shared by Bengal and Bangladesh. The percentage is negotiable,” said river expert Professor Kalyan Rudra.

The Central Water Commission has concluded that Teesta, which originates in Sikkim and flows 72 km downstream in the Jalpaiguri district of North Bengal from the Gajaldoba Barrage, would irrigate 9.22 lakh hectares of land in Bengal and seven-lakh hectares in Rangpur district of Bangladesh.

The Central Water Commission has said that in the first phase Teesta would irrigate 3.6 lakh hectares of land. But given the present volume of water, Teesta irrigates only 40,000 hectres of land in Bengal.

“The whole concept is unrealistic. What’s more, once the 23 hydel power projects start operating on Teesta, the flow of water would further reduce and affect irrigation in the downstream. Plus, the river biodiversity, water table and its ecological flow would go for a toss,” said a river expert.

Experts have told the CM that before taking any decision on sharing Teesta with Bangladesh, a detailed real-time data of river’s ecological flow, a study of the river’s sustainability, engineering and its environmental impact should be prepared.

There is not much volume of water in Teesta during the lean season from November 1 to May 31. The water however is in abundance during the monsoon from June to September. But that will not serve the demand of Bangladesh. In downstream, Teesta enters Bangladesh from Burigram and from Duani Barrage flows 20 km to mix into River Brahmaputra.

During the Ganga-Farakka Water Sharing Treaty with Bangladesh in 1996, a proportionate water-sharing table of a 10 days cycle was prepared for the period of January 1 to May 31. And the preceding 40 years average was also taken into consideration.

Mamata wants a similar table to be prepared. On one hand is to study the availability of Teesta water throughout the year and the second important factor is to study the life of the people dependent on the river.

Around 15 lakh people in Jalpaiguri district live on the banks of the Teesta. Fall in the water table would affect them, the ecology of the river and irrigation. Many fish will go extinct and birds will stop migrating. People will be displaced and agriculture will be destroyed.

For Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, signing of the Teesta treaty would be a major boost before she faces elections in 2018. But with Bengal hesitant and Bangladesh desperate, Teesta is caught in the politics of water. In fact, Teesta needs a scientific approach on its utility and not a diplomatic coup to fathom its problems.





Saturday, June 6, 2015

Moitree Express and other cross-border trains


Arindam Sarkar

It began with a once a week service between Kolkata and Dhaka. Now, Moitree Express connects Kolkata in India and Dhaka in Bangladesh four times a week.

On April 14, 2008, Moitree Express joined league with several other cross-border passenger and goods trains that are plying across two countries – and different continents.

Closer home, Samjhauta Express and Thar Express are running on the Western Front of the country between India and Pakistan. In the recent past, train services have been resumed between North Korea and South Korea.

And in Europe, the Eurostar is running through the tunnel under the English Channel and connecting England with the rest of Europe.

The train services from East Bengal (present Bangladesh) to Bengal in India began in the early 1920s and continued till 1965. Then the service was terminated.

The 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War destroyed the train communication link. And post-war efforts to start the train service failed to take off for many decades.

In 1996, with the coming of Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League Government in power in Bangladesh, fresh efforts were made to resume the service. But it was delayed, as infrastructure was not in place. The rail links between Jessore and Bongaon was badly damaged.

However, by the end of Sheikh Hasina’s term, the then Indian Railways Minister Mamata Banerjee restored the plying off goods train service via Petrapole in Bongaon and Benapole in Bangladesh in January 2001.

History records that India and Bangladesh signed an agreement on July 12, 2001, to resume direct train service between Dhaka and Kolkata, initially for three years. This agreement has been renewed and the duration of the train service has been extended up to 2010 during the visit of the then External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee to Dhaka.

On January 16, 2004, India and Pakistan made history when it resumed passenger train services – Samjhauta Express – between New Delhi and Lahore. The train service was resumed after 41 years.

The Train to Pakistan was born out of an accord signed between former Prime Ministers Indira Gandhi and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1972 at Simla.

Samjhauta Express ran uninterruptedly from June 1976 to early 1984. Thereafter, it has stopped several times on its tracks. The train service was suspended for a fortnight during Operation Bluestar. Services were again briefly terminated during the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992.

From January 2002 to January 2004, Samjhauta Express service was terminated following the attack on Indian Parliament and cross-border infiltration and militancy.

On February 18, 2006, India and Pakistan resumed the oldest cross- border train service – Thar Express. Plying over the western deserts, Thar Express connects Jodhpur in Rajasthan with Karachi in Pakistan. 

Munabao in Barmar district and Kokhrapar in the Sindh province are the two last railway stations of India and Pakistan respectively. Barmar and Mirpur Khas are the customs and immigration check stations on Indian and Pakistan sides respectively.

Somewhere else in Asia, on December 2007, history was made across the tense Korean border at Kaesong when both North Korea and South Korean ran the first goods train service. Now efforts are on to run passenger service across the border that chilled after the 1950-53 Korean War.

The train service is perceived as one of the tangible results of the October 2007 Summit between North Korean leader Kim Jong II and South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun.  

And last but not the least is the Eurostar service that began between London and Paris on November 17, 2007. Running through the Channel Tunnel Rail Link (High Speed I), Eurostar connects London with Paris in little over two hours.

From Paris, Eurostar travels to Toulouse, Avignon, Strasbourg and Brussels in Belgium.


Tuesday, May 19, 2015

The automobiles of Maharajas


Arindam Sarkar


The story goes – according to vintage car expert Gautam Sen in his book on Maharajas and their cars – one Maharaja of Eastern India in early 20th century went to London to buy a car. After reaching London, he visited the showrooms of Rolls Royce. But he felt insulted, when the sales agent did not take him seriously and showed him the door.

Next day, the peeved Maharaja sent his minister and purchased three Rolls Royce without coachwork and paid for the shipment to Kolkata. On reaching Kolkata, the angry Maharaja converted all the Rolls Royce as trucks to carry rubbish and gifted them to the Kolkata Municipal Corporation.

There are many such legends and myths associated with Maharajas and the cars of their times which are now called vintage.

Most of the 526 Princely States in India in late 19th and early 20th century possessed foreign cars. Today, many of these cars are either in the museums of Europe and the USA or with Indian collectors.

According to the records, a British gentleman imported the very first car, a Benz, to India in 1897. Soon cars arrived in Kolkata. In 1898, a European firm imported three “horseless carriages” which found their way to the Princely States. And with that, sources said, began the love affair of the Maharajas with automobiles.

By the first quarter of 20th century thousands of fascinating and wonderful machines with intrinsic designs became part of the royalty in India.

Nizam of Hyderabad was the wealthiest man of his times and it is no surprise that he had an awesome and enviable fleet of cars. Nizam’s Palace had 200-odd cars such as Bentleys, Buicks, Delahayes, Duesenbergs, Cadillacs, Humbers, Jaguars, Mercedes Benz, Napiers, Oldsmobiles, Packards and, of course, Rolls Royce.

The arrival of “horseless carriages” changed the lifestyles of Maharajas in India. Unusual coachworks made their way to suit the passion and taste of the royalty. Ceremonial throne cars, hunting cars with Stephen Grebel search lamps and gun racks, wedding cars and cars for ladies with purdah became part of the automobile stable of the Maharajas.

Passion for cars endured for many decades in India and each ruler with strange tastes tried to outdo the other in pomp, glamour and splendour of their “horseless carriages”.  For instance, there was a landowner of Gujarat who possessed a Ford model with intricate silver work and laced curtains.

Seth Hukumchand of Indore possessed a gold-plated Daimler and the strangest was the famous Swan Car of Kolkata. It was a 1912 Brooke with its front looking like a swan.
  
But being strange was not the norm. There were flamboyant Maharajas too like the Nizam of Hyderabad. The famous “Pearl of the East”, a 1908 40/50 HP Rolls Royce, the thirty-seventh car in the series, is probably the first Rolls Royce imported into India.

Maharaja Madhavrao Scindia of Gwalior who had a passion for pearls owned a beautiful Rolls Royce painted with powdered pearl mixed with pigment. Maharaja of Indore Yashwantrao Holkar II owned cars like Bentleys with J Gurney Nutting coachwork; a fantastic supercharged open two-seater Duesenberg; Lagonda drophead coupe; Hispano Suiza; Alfa Romeos; and a Figoni-bodied Delage.

The stable of the Maharajas of Udaipur, Jodhpur and Gondal were also mind-blowing. Apparently, one Maharaja was not satisfied with his Limousine so he got the head chopped off and altered it to a four-door Cabriolet for hunting. Maharaja of Rewa Sir Ghulab Singh was an accomplished hunter and he converted his 86XJ into a “hunting car” in Rewa Motor Workshop and fitted it with four guns with a tiger skin inside. This car is at Zach Museum now.

From Sixties, many Maharajas sold their cars off to the collectors in the West. But with the ban in export of vintage and classic cars in 1972, the “horseless carriages” began to be purchased by Indian vintage car collectors. The most famous vintage car collector is Pranlal Bhogilal whose collection of vintage cars runs into hundreds.

Other major collectors are Vijay Mallya, Sharad Sanghi, Dr Ravi Prakash, Diljet Titus and Nitin Dossa. According to Gautam Sen, most of the vintage cars are either part of private collection or are kept in some museum in Europe and the USA. “All of them have fascinating stories to tell: the men, the woman and their magnificent machines,” claimed Gautam Sen. 




Monday, May 18, 2015

An American Outlook


Arindam Sarkar

If Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has the inclination, Americans have the dollars. Though Mamata is harping to industrially develop Bengal, so far she has not sent the right signals to the US investors, believes America’s one of the leading thinkers on foreign policy Professor Walter Russell Mead.

Visiting the city for the first time in August 2012, three months after the visit of the then US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to Kolkata, the James Clark Chase Professor of Foreign Affairs and Humanities at Bard College Professor Russell said Hillary came to build relations with a significant region of India. America recognizes that Kolkata counts as capital of the eastern India.

Russell pointed out it is the geo-political and strategic position of Kolkata that makes the city important for the USA. “There is China, Myanmar and the North-East. Kolkata is a place where many solutions will be crafted in the future. It is a city of a vital region,” believes Walter Russell.

Apparently, Americans think there is no reason why Kolkata can’t become Gujarat or Karnataka where the US companies have made major investments. American experience tells them that countries that have long been under Marxism such as Poland, Estonia or Czech Republic want change. Kolkata too is looking for a change for the better.

Since Bengal has been under Marxism for 34 years and have suffered Partition, they have missed out on economic growth. And with America ready to invest in Bengal, Mamata should make the right moves to get the dollars.

“Small changes matter. American Consulate here is situated on Ho Chi Minh Sarani. Why? Why isn’t it called Martin Luther King or Mahatma Gandhi Street? Americans don’t like the communists. She can change the name of the street,” urged Professor Mead.

He said the CM must realize the real development comes with investments in manufacturing industries. IT provides employment to few and educated. But the masses benefit from manufacturing units as it creates huge employment opportunities. “Both the USA and Japan are looking towards Kolkata. A favorable industrial policy would bring the investors here,” Walter Russell emphasized.

Mamata Banerjee government doesn’t have a global, investor-friendly industrial policy and for that she requires, Walter Russel suggested, US consultancy majors like McKinsey & Co. to prepare an industrial roadmap and bring investments to Bengal. “American government cannot dictate the investments of their business houses. So the CM has to develop a good industrial policy to woo major investors like GE,” explained Professor Mead.

America understands Mamata’s position on `no FDI in multi-brand Retail’. But the Americans want Mamata to take a flexible approach. That is to protect her political interests and at the same time give way to business needs. “She is trying to reinvent Bengal. She has to work out modalities with the American investors to develop her State. She must share her concern and seek advice,” said Professor Mead.

The Americans are surprised that despite being nominated as one of the 100 most influential persons of the year by TIME magazine, Mamata has kept herself out of the American loop. She opened no communication channel with the US ambassadors to India or shown any interest to visit the USA to get business.

As of now, Walter Russell disclosed, the American investors see her as a difficult person to work with. The US foreign experts believe unless she sends the right message and the investors start considering her as a friendly person, American or Japanese investments in Bengal would be a distant dream.

“All the Fortune 500 companies have a global supply chain and the CM has to rope them. Hillary had also stressed on a strategic investment commitment from the CM. If this government delivers, things will happen,” said former Yale University Professor, Walter R Mead.

“She must show her commitment. She must set up trade missions in America. And with Maynamar opening up, she must latch on to the opportunity to make this city a huge trade corridor,” added Professor Walter Russell Mead.




Saturday, May 16, 2015

Shooting Star


Arindam Sarkar

It was like a scene out of a movie. A wooden panel door in the study slid aside and in walked Aparna Sen – the face that has launched a countless images and set into flutter a million hearts in the last five decades.

Dressed casually in a crushed salwar-kameez, Indian cinema’s acclaimed filmmaker and Bengali film’s femme fatale Aparna quipped, had she not been an actress she would have been an author.

“I write screenplays passionately. You know, I started acting from the age of 10,” said Aparna, as the table lamp beside her sofa cast a soft but a strange shadow on her face.

Her aptitude for acting blossomed on stage. She was 10. And, the act was Hojoborolo. Aparna told her father Chidananda Dasgupta, an eminent film critic, and mother Supriya, a cousin of poet Jibanananda Das, that she wanted to be an actress. They agreed.

Chidananda wanted her to study acting at the Royal Academy of Dramatic Art (RADA), London. But 13-year-old Aparna refused to go because a stint at RADA would mean absorbing “British mannerisms and behavioral patterns” that was unfit for the Asian stage. “To act in India, I would have to unlearn all that I would learn at RADA. Instead, I joined the Little Theatre Group before my debut film, Somapti, in 1961,” said the Padma Shree awardee.

Aparna believes self-confidence helped her to evolve as an actor and filmmaker. She thinks, if one is really passionate about something, there is no reason why the goal cannot be achieved. “So I am not surprised to be a director. I could have been an author as well,” said Aparna.

Though Aparna directed her first film 36 Chowringhee Lane in 1981, she began writing the script much before it happened. She showed the screenplay to her mentor Satyajit Ray. When Ray told her to make it a film, Aparna realized she could write well. “With a good screenplay, I can communicate with the audience,” said the filmmaker who has won a bouquet of national and international awards and is now into her second stint as an editor of a magazine.

But it was acting that drew Aparna to films.  As an actress she had no role model and consciously avoided imitating anyone on screen. “Every time, I faced the camera I got Goosebumps. I liked doing Somapti, Baksho Bodol and Akash Kusum. But when I started acting in commercial cinema, I found it was all about titillating the audience,” rued Aparna.

It soon dawned on her that instead of acting, she was learning how to exploit her physical features in the best possible way. Initially, acting was a challenge because people doubted her capabilities and she had a point to prove. But once she became a star, she lost interest.

“I lost interest in flirting with the audience. Lowering the head, the shy smile, singing songs and endlessly repeating the same emotional scenes,” an exasperated Aparna said with pauses and her typical mile-a-minute deliveries.

But she liked doing comedy, as it demanded good timing and intelligence. Acting was her livelihood and with time it gave her a celebrity status. “The celebrity status assured me a hearing when I wrote my first script,” confessed Aparna. 

At times, Aparna used to regret her decision to not go abroad for higher studies. “We grew up with a staple fare of world cinema. So I couldn’t relate to our cinema and that caused pain,” said Aparna with a sigh. But the dark side had a silver lining. Through acting, she picked up the threads of filmmaking. Acting for her has been like a film school.

Aparna’s co-stars helped her to become a star. And one of them was Uttam Kumar. According to Aparna, Bengal’s greatest star was a kind person and an interactive actor. She fascinatingly watched him on the shooting floor. “Uttam’s acting school was Hollywood. He intelligently adapted the style to Bengali cinema. He understood sound and taught me the subtleties of romantic acting,” she said.

One day, at the studio, Uttam was taking too long to memorize his lines. On seeing Aparna getting irritated, he asked her to sit beside him and said he had a little stammer so he had to learn his lines very well. “The confession of a great actor overwhelmed me and his kindness was a big turn on,” said Aparna.

She met Saumitra Chatterjee, Bengal’s another popular actor, during the making of Satyajit Ray’s Apur Sansar. Saumitra taught her footwork. “I learnt from him how to move with maximum economy and that equipment does not hinder acting but helps to elevate performance,” revealed Aparna.

Once, when a camera trolley jerked during shooting, Aparna stopped acting and told the director about the shake. But the cameraman disagreed. She was asked to focus on acting and not on camera movement. “It was ridiculous. We noticed the jerk during the rushes,” Aparna remembered.

How would Director Aparna react if her actor did the same? “She would tell them to check the monitor or, if the scene had gone well, keep the jerk because strong emotions can override tremors without anyone noticing it on the screen.”

“In Yuganta, the entire set shook in one scene. But I let it go. I knew the emotion was so overpowering, no one would notice it,” said Aparna. Yuganta bagged a national award. “My curiosity helped in learning the technical aspects of filmmaking as an actor.”

It was Satyajit Ray’s encouragement that saw the birth of 36 Chowringhee Lane. From Ray, Aparna learnt the nuances of script writing and camera movements. “I like few frames of Ritwik Ghatak and Ingrid Bergman, but my cinema is essentially Ray,” admitted Aparna.

Ray told her to make 36 Chowringhee Lane in English and approach Dada Saheb Phalke awardee Shashi Kapoor for production. In 1981, the film won the national award. And, till now, Aparna’s ten films have won many national awards.

Is Aparna Sen a woman’s director? No, she says. That is a perception but not the truth. She argued she has done films delving into the psyche of women because it is a subject she feels comfortable with. “My cinema is more about human psychology, where characters of men also got importance,” she said.

Images come rushing into her mind when she selects a subject. She dots them down and the script begins. For Paroma, an image of an adulteress with her head shorn hit Aparna and the screenplay was written. “Mr and Mrs Iyer, 15 Park Avenue, The Japanese Wife or Iti Mrinalini, Goynar Baksho have strong storyline and are not biased towards women,” Aparna stressed.

“I am not a feminist filmmaker. I am aware of feminist issues and sympathetic towards them. But for me feminist issues are very much a part of human condition. If women are protagonists in my films it is because I understand their psyche better, explained Aparna.”

The thinking director who was in the vanguard of the intellectual movement against the Left Front government said people voted for poriborton and expected a miracle. “But miracles don’t happen overnight. I am willing to give the chief minister and the new regime a chance. The alternative is a Left misrule and I am not for it,” said Aparna quite vehemently.

Does blooming of director Aparna mark the end of actress Aparna? Given a choice, she will not act. Her career in front of the camera is shorter than the one behind it. “I am better off as a director,” shot Aparna with her head tilted and face glowing with a smile that makes millions swoon over her.